What was the cause of Absence woman riot?

What was the cause of Absence woman riot?

To get notifications when anyone posts a new answer to this question,
Follow New Answers

Post an Answer

Please don't post or ask to join a "Group" or "Whatsapp Group" as a comment. It will be deleted. To join or start a group, please click here

Post UTME Past Questions - 2019-2020 Exam Format + Free SMS Alerts - 6836
Post UTME Past Questions 2019/2020

Answers (5)

Malik
1 week ago
In actuality, the emergence of the Aba Women's War was long in the making. Colonialism altered the position of various Nigerian women in their societies. Women traditionally were allowed to participate in the government[4] and held a major role in the market.[3] Men and women also worked collaboratively in the domestic sphere, and were recognized to both have important individual roles.[3] Women also had the privilege of participating in political movements due to the fact that they were married to elites. The British saw these practices as "a manifestation of chaos and disorder",[3] and so they attempted to create political institutions which commanded authority and monopolized force. While they considered the political institutions headed by Igbo men, the British ignored those of the women, effectively shutting them out from political power.[6] The British believed that this patriarchal and masculine order would establish a moral order.[3] The women were dissatisfied with the British colonizers because of increased school fees, corruption by local officers, and forced labor.[1]

The event that ultimately led to the war was direct taxation. In April 1927, the British colonial government in Nigeria took measures to enforce the Native Revenue (Amendment) Ordinance. A colonial resident, W. E. Hunt, was commissioned by the lieutenant governor of Nigeria to explain the provisions and objects of the new ordinance to the people throughout the five provinces in the Eastern Region. This was to prepare the ground for the introduction of direct taxation due to take effect in April 1928. Direct taxation on men was introduced in 1928 without major incidents, thanks to the careful propaganda during the preceding twelve months. In September 1929, Captain J. Cook, an assistant District Officer, was sent to take over the Bende division temporarily from the serving district officer, a Mr. Weir, until the return of Captain Hill from leave in November. Upon taking over, Cook found the original nominal rolls for taxation purposes inadequate because they did not include details of the number of wives, children, and livestock in each household. He set about revising the nominal roll. This exercise brought the colonial authority into direct conflict with women in Eastern Nigeria and was the catalyst for fundamental change in the local administration.

The announcement of Cook's intention to revise the nominal roll was made to a few chiefs in Oloko Native Court and the counting began about October 14, 1929. The women of Oloko suspected that the enumeration exercise was a prelude to the extension of direct taxation, which had been imposed on the men the previous year. Women were already burdened with supporting their families and helping men pay their taxes.[7] Because the women did not have political power within the patriarchal colonial system, they utilized collective action to communicate their dissatisfaction. On December 2, 1929, more than ten thousand women demonstrated at Oloko, Bende, against the enumeration of men, women, and livestock by the acting district officer. This event at Oloko was to spread to most parts of the Eastern Region within the next four weeks in the Ogu Umunwanyi or Women's War of 1929.[8]

From November to December, women from Owerri to Calabar looted factories and destroyed Native Court buildings and properties along with the property of members of the Native Court.[7]

Oloko
Edit
The Aba Women's War was sparked by a dispute between a woman named Nwanyeruwa and a man, Mark Emereuwa, who was helping to make a census of the people living in the town controlled by the Warrant, Okugo. Nwanyeruwa was of Ngwa ancestry, and had been married in the town of Oloko. In Oloko, the census was related to taxation, and women in the area were worried about who would tax them, especially during the period of hyperinflation in the late 1920s. The financial crash of 1929 impeded women's ability to trade and produce so they sought assurance from the colonial government that they would not to be required to pay taxes. Faced with a political halt, the women settled that they would not pay taxes nor have their property appraised.[9]

On the morning of November 18, Emereuwa arrived at Nwanyereuwa's house and approached Nwanyereuwa, since her husband Ojim, had already died. He told the widow to "count her goats, sheep and people." Since Nwanyereuwa understood this to mean, "How many of these things do you have so we can tax you based on them", she was angry. She replied by saying "Was your widowed mother counted?," meaning "that women don't pay tax in traditional Igbo society."[1] The two exchanged angry words, and Emeruwa grabbed Nwanyeruwa by the throat.[10] Nwanyeruwa went to the town square to discuss the incident with other women who happened to be holding a meeting to discuss the issue of taxing women. Believing they would be taxed, based on Nwanyeruwa's account, the Oloko women invited other women (by sending leaves of palm-oil trees) from other areas in the Bende District, as well as from Umuahia and Ngwa. They gathered nearly 10,000 women who protested at the office of Warrant Chief Okugo, demanding his resignation and calling for a trial.[2]

The Oloko Trio
Edit
The leaders of the protest in Oloko are known as the Oloko Trio: Ikonnia, Nwannedia and Nwugo. The three were known for their persuasion, intelligence and passion. When protests became tense, it was often these three who were able to deescalate the situation, preventing violence. However, after two women were killed while blocking colonial roads as a form of protest, the trio was not able to calm the situation there, the police and army were sent to the town.[3]

The legacy of Nwanyeruwa
Edit
Due to her contribution to the Women's War, Madame Nwanyeruwa is and still remains the name that comes up when bringing up the history of militancy of women in Nigeria, and has been said to be linked to the history of British colonialism.[11] Nwanyereuwa played a major role in keeping the protests non-violent. She was advanced in age compared to many who led the protests. Under her advice, the women protested in song and dance, "sitting" on the Warrant Chiefs until they surrendered their insignia of office and resigned. As the revolt spread, other groups followed this pattern, making the women's protest a peaceful one. Other groups came to Nwanyeruwa to get in writing the inspirational results of the protests, which, as Nwanyeruwa saw them, were that, "women will not pay tax till the world ends [and] Chiefs were not to exist any more."[4] Women of Oloko and elsewhere brought money contributions to Madam Nwanyeruwa for helping them avoid paying taxes. Unfortunately, many women rioted and attacked Chiefs, destroying their homes causing the revolt to be marked as violent.[12]

Madam Mary Okezie
Edit
Madam Mary Okezie (1906–1999) was the first woman from her Igbo clan to gain a Western education, and was teaching at the Anglican Mission School in Umuocham Aba in 1929 when the women's revolt broke out. Although she did not participate in the revolt, she was very sympathetic to the women's cause. She was the only woman who submitted a memo of grievance to the Aba Commission of Inquiry (sent in 1930). Today, the major primary source for studying the revolt is the Report of the Aba Commission of Inquiry. After the revolt, Madam Okezie emerged as founder and leader of the Ngwa Women's Association and working for the rest of her life to support women's rights in Nigeria.[5]
The Women's War , or Aba Women's Riots ,
was a period of unrest in British Nigeria over
November 1929. The protests broke out when
thousands of Igbo women from the Bende
District , Umuahia and other places in eastern
Nigeria traveled to the town of Oloko to
protest against the Warrant Chiefs , whom they
accused of restricting the role of women in
the government. The Aba Women's Riots of
1929, as it was named in British colonial
records, is more aptly considered a
strategically executed anti-colonial revolt
organised by women to redress social,
political and economic grievances. The
protest encompassed women from six ethnic
groups (Ibibio, Andoni, Orgoni, Bonny, Opobo,
and Igbo). It was organised and led by the
rural women of Owerri and Calabar provinces.
During the events, many Warrant Chiefs were
forced to resign and 16 Native Courts were
attacked, most of which were destroyed.

Women's War
Date November 1929
Location British Nigeria

Caused
by
Protest against the Warrant
Chiefs
Methods Sitting
Resulted
in
Women were also appointed
to serve on the Native Courts
Parties to the civil conflict
Igbo women Warrant
Chiefs

Lead figures
Ikonnia,
Nwannedia,
Nwugo.

Number
10,000
women
isaaq
1 week ago
The Aba women's riot did not happen spontaneously, but had months of tension leading to it. Here is the real story behind the rebellion and the people that died.

Power in Igboland had very large disparity between ruling in other parts of Nigeria. Igbos did not have a unified political institution as in the North and South hence it was harder to enforce the indirect system of ruling, instituted by Lord Lugard in 1914, in Igboland.

The Aba Women's Riot featured women rebelling against economic and socio-political oppressions in Bende, Umuahia, and other regions of Igboland. Over 10,000 women came out to protest from majorly six ethnic groups: Ibibio, Andoni, Orgoni, Bonny, Opobo, and Igbo.

Brief history

The indirect rule system in Igboland involved the appointment of 'warrant chiefs.' These warrant chiefs, who weren't necessarily people that were respected by the communities, became the enforced symbol of power. And as result of the vested power, the warrant chiefs became increasingly oppressive within few years.
Direct taxation on men was introduced in 1928 without major incidents, thanks to the careful propaganda during the preceding twelve months. In September 1929, Captain J. Cook, an assistant District Officer, was sent to take over the Bende division temporarily from the serving district officer. Upon taking over, Cook found the slated nominal rolls for tax inadequate because they did not include details of the number of wives, children, and livestock in each household. He decided to revise the nominal roll to include these.

The war and its implications

The riot bubbled from a town called Oloko, where the warrant chief, Okugo, sent his representative Mark Emereuwa on the morning of 18 November 1929, to conduct the census for the tax. Emereuwa entered the compound of a widow named Nwanyereuwa, while she was processing palm fruit, and instructed her to "count her lives stocks and people living with her."

Knowing fully well that this means you will be taxed based on the number of the outcome, Nwanyereuwa became embittered; and in replying, she said, "was your widowed mother counted?"

This simply means that women were not supposed to pay tax in Igbo society. Anger was however expressed with exchange of words and ended with Nwanyereuwa pouring her palm oil on Emereuwa. Threats were also exchanged.

The widow proceeded to the town square to find other women who were already deliberating on the tax issue and explained to them her sad experience. Nwanyeruwa's account prompted the women to invite other women with the aid of palm leaves from other areas of the Bende district.

Approximately ten thousand women were gathered, and a protest insisting on the removal and trial of the warrant chief was staged. It would go down in history that the effect of the Aba women’s riot prompted the British administration to drop their plans to impose a tax on the market women and to curb the power of the warrant chiefs.

In addition, the positions of women in society were greatly improved as women were appointed to serve as chief warrant in some areas.

The fallen revolutionists

The Aba Women's Riot resulted in the death of 51 women and 1 man.
mhizzlee
1 week ago
At the end of 1929, just when the government was congratulating itself upon the success with which the difficult task of introducing direct taxation into these provinces had been accomplished, rioting of a serious and unusual kind broke out in Calabar and Owerri. In Owerri province, in the heart of the Ibo country, where a particularly dense population inhabits the palm forest, there is a place called Oloko. Here a warrant chief, Okugo, under instructions from the district officer, was making a reassessment of the taxable wealth of the people. In this he attempted to count the women, children, and domestic animals. A rumor at once spread among the women that the recently introduced taxation of men was to be extended to them. All through this densely inhabited forest country, at intervals of a few miles, are markets where many thousands, mostly women, collect to do petty trading, sell palm-oil to the small middle-men, and gossip with each other. The rumor thus ran all through the locality in a few days, spreading anger and dismay which were all the more intense because at this moment the price of palm-produce was falling, and new customs duties had put up the cost of several imported articles of daily use. They were seriously perturbed. "We depend upon our husbands, we cannot buy food or clothes ourselves and how shall we get money to pay tax?" They decided to combine. "We women," as one of them stated afterwards in her evidence, "therefore held a large meeting at which we decided to wait until we heard definitely from one person that women were to be taxed, in which case we would make trouble, as we did not mind to be killed for doing so. We went to the houses of all the chiefs and each admitted counting his people."

Okugo, continuing reluctantly to carry out his orders, sent a messenger to count some of his people. This man entered a compound and told one of the married women, Nwanyeruwa, who was pressing oil, to count her goats and sheep. She replied angrily, "Was your mother counted?" at which they closed, seizing each other by the throat.' A meeting of women was called and Nwanyeruwa's excited story was told as confirmation of the rumor. A palm-leaf, which, it appears, is at once a symbol of trouble and a call for help, was sent round to all the women of the neighborhood. From the whole countryside women poured into Oloko and proceeded according to custom to "sit" upon the man who bad tried to assess Nwanyeruwa. All night they danced round his house singing a song quickly invented to meet the situation. Growing hourly more excited, they went on to Okugo's compound where his own people tried to defend him with sticks and bird arrows. The crowd mobbed him, damaged his house, demanded his cap of office, and charged him with assault before the district officer at Bende. The latter arrested him and brought him into the station. "The women," said this officer, "numbering over ten thousand, were shouting and yelling round the office in a frenzy. They demanded his cap of office, which I threw to them and it met the same fate as a fox's carcass thrown to a pack of hounds. The station between the office and the prison . . . resembled Epsom Downs on Derby Day." The women continued to camp in thousands round the District Office until Okugo was tried and sentenced to two years' imprisonment for assault. But this was not the end. The women, for a reason which we shall consider later, refused, in spite of all the assurances of chiefs and administrative officers, to believe that women, "the trees which bear fruit," were not to be taxed, and this even after a deputation of fifty had taken train to provincial headquarters at Port Harcourt to question the Resident.5 From Oloko women went out in all directions, beyond the boundaries of the province and even into the neighboring lbibio country, spreading the rumor, and from a wide area subscriptions began to come in to Nwanyeruwa who had become a figure of womanhood rising up against oppression. ...

During the second week of December, the movement spread from the Ibo divisions of Owerri and Aba, to the Ibibio peoples of Calabar. At much the same time as the elaborate form of reassessment, which the women connected with female taxation, was being undertaken in Oloko, the Resident of Calabar had issued instructions for a similar kind of enumeration in his province. This was zealously enacted in one district by a cadet in the administrative service. In some villages, the people cleared into the bush at his approach, taking their small stock and chickens with them; here, however, he counted the houses, there being generally one to each woman, and the tethering pegs for the goats and sheep. These animals, we may notice, were often the personal possessions of the women. In the neighboring district the chiefs protested vigorously against these house-to-house visitations, though they professed themselves ready to parade all the men of each village in the central square. Another cadet, in Opobo district, to the south, met with determined opposition from the chiefs as well as from the people who were already in touch with the women at Owerri. The women followed him about wailing and cursing; palm branches, doubtless reinforced with magic, were tied across paths and doorways, while on one occasion it was grimly pointed out to him that he was actually standing on a grave where a white man like himself was buried. Finally, he was assaulted and his tax register taken. At the neighboring center of Ukam, he and two senior colleagues were powerless to check the women, on this occasion accompanied by men, who opened the lock-up, destroyed the Native Court, and cut the telegraph wires. At Utu-Etim-Ekpo appeared crowds of women scantily dressed in sackcloth, their faces smeared with charcoal, sticks wreathed with young palms in their hands, while their heads were bound with young ferns. It is interesting to note that no Europeans understood the exact significance of these last symbols though nearly all the native witnesses assumed that they meant war. They burned the Native Court and sacked and looted the "factory" (European store) and clerks' houses. They declared that the district officer was born of a woman, and as they were women they were going to see him. Police and troops were sent, and as, on two occasions, the woman ran toward them with frenzied shouts, fire was opened with a Lewis gun as well as with rifles, and eighteen women were killed and nineteen wounded.

The following day an even more serious collision occurred at Opobo. Mobs of women passed shouting and singing about the town, "What is the smell? Death is the smell." They beat upon the iron-trading stores with their sticks and threatened the traders. To one, Mr. Butler a merchant, they shouted derisively, "All right, Bottle, no fear morning time five o'clock we go come for you," and the next day, "We'll get our Christmas clothes out of you today." In order to calm their excited fears, the district officer agreed to meet the seven leaders at the district office the following day. Palm-leaves were sent around to all the neighboring clans, and when the time came not seven but several hundred arrived at the office, armed with stout cudgels and dressed only in loin-cloths and palm-leaves. In front of the district office was a light bamboo fence, beyond that the road and, almost immediately beyond that, the river. The district officer, with a military officer and a platoon of troops, parleyed with the women from inside the fence. The leaders asked him to make notes of the discussion and then asked to see his notes.

All this time the meeting was becoming rowdier. More and more women were streaming up, until the numbers were estimated as being about fifteen hundred. When the copies were handed out, various other demands were made, such as that they must be put into envelopes, that they must have two-shilling stamps attached. They made threatening and obscene gestures toward the troops, called them sons of pigs, and said they knew the soldiers would not fire at them. At last they struck at the district officer with their sticks. The lieutenant caught the blows, made signs to the district officer as to whether he should fire (for it was impossible to make himself heard in the uproar) and, just as the fence began to give way before the rush of women, shot the leader through the head with his revolver. Two volleys were then fired on the crowd which broke and fled, leaving thirty-two dead and dying, and thirty-one wounded.

This shooting was on December 17. Trouble continued sporadically in various parts of the disturbed area, but by the twentieth the situation was completely in hand, and the rest of the month was taken up with pacification by means of patrols, and punishments under the Collective Punishments Ordinance. The disturbed area covered about six thousand square miles and contained about two million people. Attacks were made upon Native Courts in sixteen Native Administration centers, and most of them were broken up or burned.

It is an encouraging feature of this unhappy incident that the responsible authorities in Nigeria, as in England, should have been so ready to face the fact that it resulted largely from defects in their government. Here the Aba riots point a moral that is applicable far beyond Nigeria. The difficulties in this region were exceptionally great. But beneath the peculiar local symptoms lies a pathological condition common to the whole of Negro Africa. It is produced by the sudden strain thrown upon primitive communities by the strong, all-embracing pressure of European influence. There are examples in various parts of the world of primitive peoples unexpectedly rebelling after years of apparent acquiescence in European rule, and their conscious purposes often draw strength from what is at bottom an unconscious cultural protest. The reaction may not be expressed in this form; Some tribes endure the stress of change so quietly that their rulers do not observe their difficulties. One relief for the desire for reassertion is found in the formation of secret societies or of quasi-Christian bodies independent of white control, whose proceedings express at once European influence and an anti-European attitude. The Watch Tower movement in Southern Africa, with its apocalyptic hopes of the fall of Christendom, "Satan's organization," clearly belongs to this category.
Gaby
1 week ago
Power in Igboland had very large disparity
between ruling in other parts of Nigeria.
Igbos did not have a unified political
institution as in the North and South hence
it was harder to enforce the indirect
system of ruling, instituted by Lord Lugard
in 1914, in Igboland.
The Aba Women's Riot featured women
rebelling against economic and socio-
political oppressions in Bende, Umuahia,
and other regions of Igboland. Over
10,000 women came out to protest from
majorly six ethnic groups: Ibibio, Andoni,
Orgoni, Bonny, Opobo, and Igbo.
Brief history
The indirect rule system in Igboland
involved the appointment of 'warrant
chiefs.' These warrant chiefs, who weren't
necessarily people that were respected by
the communities, became the enforced
symbol of power. And as result of the
vested power, the warrant chiefs became
increasingly oppressive within few years.

Direct taxation on men was introduced in
1928 without major incidents, thanks to
the careful propaganda during the
preceding twelve months. In September
1929, Captain J. Cook, an assistant District
Officer, was sent to take over the Bende
division temporarily from the serving
district officer. Upon taking over, Cook
found the slated nominal rolls for tax
inadequate because they did not include
details of the number of wives, children,
and livestock in each household. He
decided to revise the nominal roll to include these.
The war and its implications
The riot bubbled from a town called Oloko, where the warrant chief, Okugo, sent his
representative Mark Emereuwa on the morning of 18 November 1929, to conduct
the census for the tax. Emereuwa entered
the compound of a widow named
Nwanyereuwa, while she was processing
palm fruit, and instructed her to "count her
lives stocks and people living with her."
Knowing fully well that this means you will be taxed based on the number of the outcome, Nwanyereuwa became
embittered; and in replying, she said, "was
your widowed mother counted?"
This simply means that women were not
supposed to pay tax in Igbo society. Anger
was however expressed with exchange of
words and ended with Nwanyereuwa
pouring her palm oil on Emereuwa.
Threats were also exchanged.
The widow proceeded to the town square
to find other women who were already
deliberating on the tax issue and explained
to them her sad experience.
Nwanyeruwa's account prompted the
women to invite other women with the aid
of palm leaves from other areas of the
Bende district.
Approximately ten thousand women were
gathered, and a protest insisting on the
removal and trial of the warrant chief was
staged. It would go down in history that
the effect of the Aba women’s riot
prompted the British administration to
drop their plans to impose a tax on the
market women and to curb the power of
the warrant chiefs.
In addition, the positions of women in
society were greatly improved as women
were appointed to serve as chief warrant
in some areas.
Ask Your Own Question

Quick Questions

See More Lagos State University Questions
 
Post UTME Past Questions - 2019-2020 Exam Format + Free SMS Alerts - 6836
Latest WAEC Past Questions 2019 App - Free Download - 6643
Post UTME Past Questions 2019/2020